MEHDI KARUBI – THE SHEIKH OF CHANGE

Number 30 ● 11 June 2009

Following Iran's presidential election in June 2005, Mehdi Karubi resigned from his position as advisor to the Supreme Leader 'Ali Khamene'i, as well as from his membership in the State Expediency Council, often referred to as the most powerful Iranian executive body. Karubi had been the Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, the Majles, from 1989 till 1992, and then once more from 2000 till 2004. He was also a candidate in the presidential elections of 2005, and did not make it to the second and final round. In his letter of resignation, addressed to Khamene'i, Karubi accused senior elements in the regime of intervening on behalf of his rival candidate (and current president of Iran), Mahmud Ahmadinejad (see Iran Pulse#33). Ahmadinejad, ranked second in the preliminary round, received 19.48% of the vote to Karubi's 19.30%. Among those named by Karubi in his letter was Mojtaba Khamene'i, the Supreme Leader's son. The Supreme Leader responded with an angry letter warning Karubi of the potential political crisis his allegations might engender. Karubi then submitted his resignation from the two positions he held, calling upon his supporters to "defend the nation from the symbol of dictatorship" (in reference to Ahmadinejad). This episode marked Karubi's transition from a mainstay of the clerical establishment to a major opposition figure. In 2006, Karubi founded his own party, E'etemad e-Melli (The National Trust Party) and he is the party's candidate for president in the upcoming elections.  

Karubi's standards as an "Islamist" are impeccable. He is an ethnic Lor, born in the Lorestan town of Aligoudarz in 1937. He was a theology student at the seminaries of Qom and Tehran, and studied under luminaries such as Ayatollah Hosein 'Ali Montazeri and Ayatollah Ruhollah MusaviKhomeini. He became a member of Khomeini's inner circle, and was close to the first leader of the Islamic Republic. Karubi served as Khomeini's personal represe-ntative to several prominent executive bodies during the 1980s. During that time he also served as head of the Shahid Foundation, the organization providing for the welfare of war veterans and their families, as well as war victims. As Iran was in the midst of its eight year war with Iraq, Karubi became one of the most well recognized public figures in the country.

Karubi maintains a careful balance in his public stance. He declares himself a supporter of the Supreme Leader, and certainly a disciple of Ayatollah Khomeini. He overtly professes his faith in the "Islamic" elements of the Islamic Republic. According to Karubi, this faith is complemented and strengthened by an allegiance to the "Republican" elements of Ayatollah Khomeini's vision. Karubi is a staunch supporter of political rights and political participation. He is harshly and publicly critical of the Guardian Council, the supreme body of Islamic authorities charged with ensuring that legislation and the political activity of all branches of government is in line with Islamic standards. He has also come out against what he considers to be the excessive powers of the Assembly of Experts, the body of elected Shi'i scholars charged with aiding (as well as "electing") the Supreme Leader. The Assembly of Experts is responsible for the vetting and mass disqualifying of election candidates before the actual procedure, a state of affairs Karubi considers improper. He has suggested that the Experts' monitoring role are limited to ensuring the transparency of the election process, and do not include preventing nominations or restricting participation.

Karubi's campaign targets various populations, but focuses on Iran's educated, restless and politically savvy youth. Karubi's key campaign concept is "Change". His platform is a diverse combination of civic and economic liberalism, combined with an innovative plan for the nationalization of oil and gas profits. Every candidate in the election is given the chance to air a 30-minute campaign advertisement. Karubi's turn was on June 1^st. A power outage in five provinces prevented the ad from airing, and those of his supporters who did see the ad report that they saw only a censored version. In an ad playing on YouTube, various Iranians hold up signs reflecting Karubi's main policy goals. They read as follows:

• 1.Support citizens' rights 2. Address poverty 3. Give oil profit to the people 4. Calm the fears of the international community 5. Provide free access to information 6. Support women who work 7. Condemn violence against women 8. Address crime 9. Educate everyone 10. Recognize the rights of different tribes and religions 11. Support nongovernmental organizations 12. Liberalize society 13. We have come for the change (Radio Liberty, June 2,2009)

As seen, Karubi supports the enhancement of political rights, emphasizing rights of ethnic minorities (such as himself) and members of different religions. He is meticulous in his defense of women's rights, including supporting the employment of women and condemning violence against them. His Republican tendencies are also clearly apparent. He is a defender of equal opportunity (educating everyone), participation (free access to information and loosening the controls on the political process) and ensuring the rule of law. In another policy paper he suggests that one of his main policy objectives is to ensure the rule of law and to crack down on illegal behavior of all sorts, referring to the rampant corruption in Iran's higher echelons.

His economic program, as suggested before, is also highly innovative. Adopted from the proposals of Masoud Nili, a prominent economist, Karubi suggests introducing stocks for oil companies into the market, granting all Iranian a share of the profits while limiting their ability to sell the stock. Karubi is surrounded by advocates of a free market and a prominent role for the private sector in Iran.

His support base is as diverse as his platform. Several prominent reformist politicians have flocked to his banner. These include Gholam-Hosein Karbaschi, the former reformist mayor of Tehran, 'Ata'ollah Mohajereni, a former Minister of Culture under Mohammad Khatami and Jamileh Kadivar, a former member of parliament who advises him on women's issues. His is also supported by famous reformist journalists, most notably 'Abbas ‘Abdi. Karubi has also received the endorsement of 'Abdolkarim  Soroush,  perhaps the most respected public intellectual in the Islamic Republic and a longtime critic of the regime. Soroush, like Karubi, maintains an ambivalent relationship with the Islamic Republic, identifying himself as a believer while offering real criticism regarding the dealings of the power elites.

While Karubi is not expected to win the election, or even advance to the second round, his candidacy is full of unexpected elements. In a way, he is the true representative of the unique synthesis which stands at the base of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Devoutly religious and staunchly pragmatic, he sees himself as furthering the domain of both Shi'i Islam and Iranian republicanism. His bipartisan appeal is capable of producing a surprise on all levels of the election, and should he lose, he will certainly have not uttered his farewell to Iranian politics■

*Ori Goldberg is a research fellow of the Center for Iranian Studies at Tel Aviv University.

The Alliance Center for Iranian Studies (ACIS)

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Iran Pulse 30 ● June 11, 2009 © All rights reserved.